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Planar Protector
Join Date: Feb 2013
Posts: 2,199
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Originally Posted by G13
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You really put in a lot of effort in that post without realizing the vast majority of Covid Infections do not occur in public places
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Writing an article takes a lot of effort. Reading and linking an article takes very little effort. Making a blanket statement, without including any evidence to support it, takes almost no effort at all. A generalization accounts only for what is passively observed rather than what is actively investigated. And, as with anything unspecific, it requires a disclaimer or certain concessions after the fact.
Lawrence : Damn straight. I always wanted to do that, man. And I think if I were a millionaire I could hook that up, too; 'cause chicks dig dudes with money.
Peter Gibbons : Well, not all chicks.
Lawrence : Well, the type of chicks that'd double up on a dude like me do.
So when is a space public and when is it private? Are the two always distinctly separate? If not, where do the transitions occur? There are, after all, private beaches and public restrooms. Private acts are also easily accomplished in public, on airplanes and in dressing rooms. Public spaces also vary greatly from culture to culture, due to a number of factors, not excluding architecture.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shoji
And then there is the matter of pseudo-public spaces.
https://newsroom.unsw.edu.au/news/ar...-public-spaces
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Privately-owned public spaces, or ‘PoPs’, are on the rise and have silently infiltrated cities worldwide. In fact, you might use one day-to-day without even knowing – and there could be more to come.
On the surface, these pseudo-public spaces can look like any other accessible space like a park, open square or throughway. But in fact, they don’t fall under the jurisdiction of the local government. They’re owned and operated by private developers or private companies.
“Public space is publicly-owned space, where people have fairly broad rights linked to values of democracy and freedom of expression,” says urban designer and landscape architect Dr Mike Harris from UNSW Built Environment.
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7307066/
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The mayor predicted that the market would attract a lot more visitors than other markets in the region, since the weekly marketplace of Valkenswaard is one the biggest in the region … The marketplace has many narrow streets where people queue up. That is a risk. The mayor expected that it would be impossible for community service officers [BOA’s] to maintain the order of one‐and‐a‐half metres distancing. (Interview April 2020)
Quite suddenly, however, in the midst of this temporary death of the marketplace − during which all socio‐economic interactions came to a standstill for two weeks − the market manager informed all the traders on their collective Facebook‐page that the mayor had revoked his earlier decision to completely close down the market until 2 April, as also reported in a regional newspaper:
The last two weeks, the market has been called off completely. In an amended [spatial] layout, however, the market is allowed to continue… In the case of Valkenswaard, only 24 food pitches will be set up instead of the 75 market pitches that are available during a fully occupied market. The market pitches will be set up in such a way that visitors have enough space to keep a distance from each other. Only food products are allowed for sale. Moreover, people are not allowed to consume their products on the market terrain. (van den Eijnden 2020)
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The visitor conflates a ‘real’ market, characterised by the uproar and muttering of people moving around – that is, fleeting forms of ‘rubbing along’, such as connecting, lingering and taking pleasure in the shared commons (Watson 2009, p. 1589) – with a ‘controlled’ market of separated market pitches and dividing lines where people are constantly conscious of, and on their guard against, unexpected movements and social interactions. This separation is important, as people seem to derive their sense of ‘real’ marketplaces from their easy sociality that either incorporates or challenges the definition of the situation being proposed. As such, the breakdown of the physical conditions of marketplaces that facilitate the chaotic and unpredictable forms of social interactions in the form of open regions (Goffman 1963) indeed reveals, as Latham and Layton (2019) have argued, their transparency in the development of people’s sense of reflexive awareness and common experience of community and belonging.
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In many municipalities, markets have been closed down … We absolutely do not understand these decisions. I do not think that anyone understands these decisions. The current corona crisis is horrible and the national regulations are judicious. But they have to be proportionate. Why can shops remain open, while the ambulant trade has to close down? […] We will go the court to complain about this, not because markets have been closed down per se, but because of the irrational way in which this has happened. It is completely, utterly, random! (CVAH, 2020b original emphasis)
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Here, it becomes clear that the decisions to close down the markets are in themselves not considered as illegitimate, but rather the disproportionate way in which these decisions had been taken; arousing uncertainty for the economic vitality of traders’ businesses. Media coverage especially focused on the vulnerability of markets, quoting traders that face difficulties in these times of corona. For example, a fishmonger from Spakenburg complained about the long‐term financial consequences of the ad hoc decisions of safety regions to close down marketplaces without being notified in advance: ‘Six of the ten marketplaces where I use to trade on a weekly basis have been cancelled. This is going to cost me ten thousand euros’ (Rijnmond 2020b). Corroborating these personal statements, the executive director of CVAH explained that he received hundreds of calls and emails of concerned traders throughout the whole country ‘who had returned from the vegetables and fruit auction halls with their cars fully packed with merchandise worth ten thousand euros for the coming days, before they discovered that the markets were closed down. These are extraordinary financial setbacks.’ (CVAH 2020b).
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By analysing this process from the ground level in one of our main fieldwork sites, the marketplace of Valkenswaard, we found that the representation of the market as ‘unsafe’ morphed into a vision that conceived of the market as a vulnerable yet vital part of the food chain to justify its re‐opening. During this process, the marketplace lost its status as a social infrastructure (Klinenberg 2018) and transformed into a ‘sanitised’ (Smith 1998) or ‘prickly’ (Flusty 1997) public space of rational and immediate economic interactions. In addition, the strict regulatory framework that reduced the physical conditions of easy sociality, or ‘rubbing along’ (Watson 2009), also engendered new forms of social interaction and trading, which poignantly lay bare the mutual interdependencies of people in marketplaces as one of the most critical public spaces in cities and villages.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tijdsc...iale_geografie
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The Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie (English: Journal of Economic & Social Geography) is a peer-reviewed academic journal published by Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of the Royal Dutch Geographical Society. The editor-in-chief is Frank van Oort (Erasmus University Rotterdam). The journal focuses on contemporary issues in human geography, with articles relating to economic, social, cultural and political geographical themes. It journal was established in 1910, making it the oldest journal in human geography.[1]
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05-14-2021, 01:57 PM
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